Synopsis of the Republic a. Socrates speaks to Cephalus about old age, the benefits of being wealthy, and justice ed.
Thus, it is beyond dispute that the motives of those designing and running the "War on Poverty" in the Johnson Administration were well intentioned. Who could be against ending poverty?
However, it had long been observed that giving people money removed the incentive for them to earn any. Thus, Benjamin Franklin had said: In my youth I travelled much, and I observed in different countries, that the more public provisions were made for the poor the less they provided for themselves, and of course became poorer.
And, on the contrary, the less was done for them, the more they did for themselves, and became richer. Thus, a motto of the War on Poverty was, "Not a handout, just a hand. Despite misgivings about such notions, their political appeal to certain voters and certain intellectuals was undeniable and unavoidable -- although a majority of Americans were actually outraged by them earning accusations of callousness, racism, etc.
The results were indeed Hell, as is most clearly embodied today in Detroitwhere much of the city has been abandoned, as people have fled the joblessness, crime, hostility to business, and failure of public institutions. The riots in Detroit, among the worse of the 's, were ironically in a city where black unemployment and black poverty were unusually low.
The "solution" to the riots was a government of Democrats that drove business out of the city, allowed crime to soar, and left much of the populaton, black and white, little recourse but to leave, even when abandoning homes and property.
Baltimore and Chicago in seem to be in tight competition to emulate Detroit, even as Detroit has improved somewhat under State supervision. Thus, two approaches to poverty, the "hand" and the "handout," were both tried; and neither worked.
But you would never know it from much of public discourse, certainly not on the Left. In the light of such a history, doubts are raised about the continuing good will of the agents and activists involved in these ideas and programs.
They begin to look more like rent seekers than like disinterested benefactors. It is noted that the dependence of voters on the largesse of politicans and bureaucrats renders them politically beholden to them, making said activists and politicians richer themselves, far more so that those relying on welfare and living in devastated and crime-ridden neighborhoods and from which they cannot be released by payments that merely maintain them in their situation.
The dynamic is the same as it was in Detroit: The transparent dishonesty, let alone folly, of this seems to escape many voters, and curiously, many of the best "educated" -- which may tell us something about the nature of their education. Of course, the lesson here may just be corruption.
Good motives and well motivated actions begin the story. Then it lapsed into less well motivated, in fact discreditable, actions.
The failure of either approach, with reflection on the status serendipitously achieved by the agents and activists, results in an erosion of motive, to the point where the "educated" begin to regard Cuba and Venzuela as, remarkably and appallingly, paradigms of good government and economics -- all because they give dictatorial power and privilege to the bien pensants.
This dynamic has of course been embodied in the maxim about those "who came to do good and ended up doing well. Only recently has it become an issue of public debate that "insider trading" laws did not apply to Members of Congress, who have freely used knowledge gained from even secret Congressional testimony to anticipate influences on markets.
But as a tale of corruption it is very different from the dilemmas where good intentions are starkly faced with with choices between a wrong whose consequences are good and right action whose consequences are bad. The most important lesson, however, for the nature of ethics is that the valences of motive and action vary independently.
Closer to home, we have the films of D. When Griffith showed the movie to the new President of the United States, Woodrow WilsonWilson is supposed to have suggested what became the title of the movie, Birth of a Nation.
The storm of protest over the racism and pro-Southern sentiments of the movie moved Griffith to make his next movie, Intolerance , which detailed various historical examples of religious or political oppression.
In other words, the protest against Griffith's celebration of lynching and racism was supposed to be the equivalent of the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre of when French Protestants were slaughtered.Free, outspoken, and flourishing, let them live in the city of famous Athens.
Phaedra, Hippolytus, by Eurpides, lines , translated by David Kovacs, Loeb. Mar 24, · In this analysis of Plato's Euthyphro, I analyze Socrates' conversation with Euthyphro and their discussion about the form and intrinsic quality of benjaminpohle.coms: 3.
The Argument For The Ontological Argument - For many, the idea of existence as a predicate causes issues for the ontological argument. In the argument Anselm states that God is a being, than which nothing greater can be conceived, and using logic he comes to .
Information Philosopher is dedicated to the new Information Philosophy, with explanations for Freedom, Values, and Knowledge. The trial of Socrates ( BC) was held to determine the philosopher’s guilt of two charges: asebeia (impiety) against the pantheon of Athens, and corruption of the youth of the city-state; the accusers cited two impious acts by Socrates: “failing to acknowledge the gods that the city acknowledges” and “introducing new deities”..
The death sentence of Socrates was the legal. Analysis of Euthyphro Nikon PHI Bob Harris October 15, Analysis of Euthyphro Socrates was put to death in Athens for subverting the youth of the city.
He was indicted by Meletus and awaiting his trail on the porch of .