But the theory of government remained an overarching theoretical concept in continental Europe right to the end of the nineteenth century e. The sciences concerned with the state have been differentiated and specialized. Public law, economics, political science, political sociology, geography, planning, and other academic disciplines have developed their own systems of reference for theory and analysis. To some degree the scientific dialects have become rites of passage, restricting access to the mysteries of special knowledge to the initiated few.
But the theory of government remained an overarching theoretical concept in continental Europe right to the end of the nineteenth century e. The sciences concerned with the state have been differentiated and specialized.
Public law, economics, political science, political sociology, geography, planning, and other academic disciplines have developed their own systems of reference for theory and analysis. To some degree the scientific dialects have become rites of passage, restricting access to the mysteries of special knowledge to the initiated few.
Interdisciplinary discussion has become difficult and is neglected, assertions to the contrary notwithstanding. On the one hand it has benefited from compartmentalization. Thus the impressive system of the Viennese doctrine of so-called pure law came into being.
And thus it became possible continuously to hone and refine legal techniques. In continental Europe, lawyers traditionally do not deal with the state as an abstraction only.
They also look at it as a reality. Yet most public law specialists are not interested in empirical studies. They prefer an intuitive approach.
Whilst this may be possible where the scholar is thoroughly acquainted with the object of his studies and where he is aware of his ideological biases, both these prerequisites do not always obtain. But worse still is the habit of deducing normative findings from general principles such as democracy or federalism without having first analysed the extra-legal content of such concepts.
And yet the instruments for such theoretical and empirical analysis are there. They can be adapted from the methodology of political science and, to some extent, of political economy. Even some of the necessary information can be found there.
They all claim that their findings are relevant to policy making. They all want to furnish basic information for political and administrative decision making.
But as these findings are only relevant to parts of the problem and as they may very often be interpreted contradictorily, what really happens is that researchers do not furnish basic data for decision making but produce arguments for preconceived ideas. Obviously, this selective dealing with scientific data by political office-holders can never be and should never be quite eliminated.
Already the words used - special district and democracy - exemplify the different connotations they have for economists, lawyers and political scientists.
Without mastering the different vocabularies nobody can solve the organizational problem. The former and still now predominant approach in the humanities emphasized relations of cause and effect. Systems theories -preceded by Gestalt psychology, Pepper's contextualism and Henderson's theory of balance- are different.
They look for interrelations within a whole, the system, whose parts must not be treated in isolation. Systems theories do not build hierarchies. The first influential theoretician was von Bertalanffy in the thirties. At about the same time Parsons introduced systems thinking into social science.
In connection with Wiener's cybernetics systematic study of communications and control in organizations of all kinds: It is able to show and analyse systemic relationships between findings of different scientific disciplines. This is achieved by tying them together in an abstract network.
The latter's parameters are different as between different schools of thought. Systems theory dispenses to a large degree with causal relationships, whereas the usual attempts at integration try to relate in a consistent way different scientific findings to a few grand basic hypotheses.
The other danger is the mixing of different scales of abstraction. Against this some critics then hold e.
This is a pitfall which is very difficult to avoid in discussion. It shows the functions that parts of systems have in connection with other parts and with the system as a whole. But such an integration is not intended to achieve consistency or to solve social conflicts. Systems thinking will regard both federalism and democracy as forms of governance, different but in several respects closely related.
Starting from there it will then analyse the role of both organizational patterns in the political system as a whole, showing amongst other things the prerequisites for harmony and for conflict.Well, Elusive Stability Essays In The History Of International Finance is a tape that has various characteristic when others.
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